MAASAI AND THERE CULTURE

Maasai
PRONUNCIATION:MAH-sigh
LOCATION:Kenya; Tanzania
POPULATION:Over 150,000
LANGUAGE:Maa (Olmaa)
RELIGION:Traditional beliefs

1 • INTRODUCTION

The Maasai are thought of as the typical cattle herders of Africa, yet they have not always been herders, nor are they all today. Because of population growth, development strategies, and the resulting shortage of land, cattle raising is in decline. However, cattle still represent "the breath of life" for many Maasai. When given the chance, they choose herding above all other livelihoods. For many Westerners, the Maasai are Hollywood's "noble savage"—fierce, proud, handsome, graceful of bearing, and elegantly tall. Hair smeared red with ochre (apigment), they either carry spears or stand on one foot tending cattle. These depictions oversimplify Maasai life during the twentieth century. Today, Maasai cattle herders may also be growing maize (corn) or wheat, rearing Guinea fowl, raising ostriches, or may be hired by ecologists to take pictures of the countryside.

Prior to British colonization, Africans, Arabs, and European explorers considered the Maasai formidable warriors for their conquests of neighboring peoples and their resistance to slavery. Caravan traders traveling from the coast to Uganda crossedMaasailandwith trepidation. However, in 1880–81, when the British unintentionally introduced rinderpest (a cattle disease), the Maasai lost 80 percent of their stock. The British colonizers further disrupted Maasai life by moving them to a reserve in southern Kenya. While the British encouraged them to adopt European ways, they also advised them to retain their traditions. These contradictions resulted, for the most part, in leaving the Maasai alone and allowed them to develop almost on their own. However, drought, famine, cattle diseases, and intratribal warfare (warfare among themselves) in the nineteenth century greatly weakened the Maasai and nearly destrtoyed certain tribes.

Since Kenyan and Tanzanian independence from Britain in the 1960s, land ownership has changed dramatically. Modern ranching, wheat cultivation techiques, and setting of grazing boundaries in the Maasai district are becoming common. A wage and cash economy is replacing the barter (trade) system. Consequently, the Maasai have begun to integrate themselves into the modern economies and mainstream societies of Kenya and Tanzania, albeit with considerable reluctance.

2 • LOCATION

The Maasai are thought to have originated in the Upper Nile Valley. Their myths speak about climbing up from a broad and deep crater bounded on all sides by a steep, long cliff. By the 1600s they had begun migrating with their herds into the vast arid, savanna-like (grassland) region of East Africa straddling the Kenya-Tanzania border. Today, their homeland is bounded by Lake Victoria to the west and Mount Kilimanjaro to the east. Maasailand extends some 310 miles (500 kilometers) from north to south and about 186 miles (300 kilometers) at its widest east-west point.

Estimates of the Maasai population include more than 150,000 in Tanzania, and close to 150,000 in Kenya.

3 • LANGUAGE

The Maasai are speakers of the Maa language, which is also spoken by the Samburu and the Chamus living in central Kenya. The origins of Maa have been traced to the east of present-day Juba in southern Sudan. More than twenty variants of Maa exist. The Maasai refer to their language as Olmaa.

4 • FOLKLORE

Maasai legends and folktales tell much about the origin of present-day Maasai beliefs. These stories include their ascent from a crater, the emergence of the first Maasai prophet-magician (Laibon), the killing of an evil giant (Oltatuani) who raided Maasai herds, and the deception by Olonana of his father to obtain the blessing reserved for his older brother, Senteu (a legend similar to the Biblical story of Jacob and Esau).

One origin myth reveals much about present-day Maasai relations between the sexes. It holds that the Maasai are descended from two equal and complementary tribes, one consisting strictly of females, and the other of males. The women's tribe, the Moroyok, raised antelopes, including the eland, which the Maasai claim to have been the first species of cattle. Instead of cattle, sheep, and goats, the women had herds of gazelles. Zebras transported their goods during migrations, and elephants were their devoted friends, tearing down branches and bringing them to the women who used them to build homes and corrals. The elephants also swept the antelope corrals clean. However, while the women bickered and quarreled, their herds escaped. Even the elephants left them because they could not satisfy the women with their work.

According to the same myth, the Morwak—the men's tribe—raised cattle, sheep, and goats. The men occasionally met women in the forest. The children from these unions would live with their mothers, but the boys would join their fathers when they grew up. When the women lost their herds, they went to live with the men, and, in doing so, gave up their freedom and their equal status. From that time, they depended on men, had to work for them, and were subject to their authority.

5 • RELIGION

Unlike the predominantly Christian populations of Kenya and Tanzania that surround them, the Maasai traditionally place themselves at the center of their universe as God's chosen people. Like other African religions, the Maasai believe that one high god (Enkai) created the world, forming three groups of people. The first were the Torrobo (Okiek pygmies), a hunting and gathering people of small stature to whom God gave honey and wild animals as a food source. The second were the neighboring Kikuyu, farmers to whom God gave seed and grain. The third were the Maasai, to whom God gave cattle, which came to earth sliding down a long rope linking heaven and Earth. While the Torrobo were destined to endure bee stings, and the Kikuyu famines and floods, the Maasai received the noble gift of raising cattle. A Torrobo, jealous of the Maasai's gift of cattle, cut the "umbilical cord" between heaven and Earth. For many Maasai, the center of their world remains their cattle, which furnish food, clothing, and shelter.

6 • MAJOR HOLIDAYS

The traditional Maasai calendar has no designated holidays. It is divided into twelve months belonging to three main seasons:Nkokua(the long rains),Oloirurujuruj(the drizzling season), andOltumuret(the short rains). The names of months are very descriptive. For example, the second month of the drizzling season isKujorok, meaning "The whole countryside is beautifully green, and the pasture lands are likened to a hairy caterpillar."

Maasai ceremonial feasts for circumcision, excision (female circumcision), and marriage offer occasions for festive community celebrations, which may be considered similar to holidays. As the Maasai are integrated into modern Kenyan and Tanzanian life, they also participate in secular (nonreligious) state holidays. In Kenya, these include Labor Day (May 1), Madaraka Day (June 1), and Kenyatta Day (October 20). In Tanzania, these include Labor Day (May 1), Zanzibar Revolution Day (January 12);Nane Nane(formerlySaba Saba—Farmer's Day, in August); Independence Day (December 9); and Union Day (April 26), which commemorates the unification of Zanzibar and the mainland.

7 • RITES OF PASSAGE

Life for the Maasai is a series of conquests and tests involving the endurance of pain. For men, there is a progression from childhood to warriorhood to elderhood. At the age of four, a child's lower incisors are taken out with a knife. Young boys test their will by their arms and legs with hot coals. As they grow older, they submit to tattooing on the stomach and the arms, enduring hundreds of small cuts into the skin.

Ear piercing for both boys and girls comes next. Thecartilageof the upper ear is pierced with hot iron. When this heals, a hole is cut in the ear lobe and gradually enlarged by inserting rolls of leaves or balls made of wood or mud. Nowadays plastic film canisters may serve this purpose. The bigger the hole, the better. Those earlobes that dangle to the shoulders are considered perfect.

Circumcision (for boys) and excision (for girls) is the next stage, and the most important event in a young Maasai's life. It is a father's ultimate duty to ensure that his children undergo this rite. The family invites relatives and friends to witness the ceremonies, which may be held in special villages calledimanyat. The imanyat dedicated to circumcision of boys are callednkang oo ntaritik(villages of little birds).

Circumcision itself involves great physical pain and tests a youth's courage. If they flinch during the act, boys bring shame and dishonor to themselves and their family. At a minimum, the members of their age group ridicule them and they pay a fine of one head of cattle. However, if a boy shows great bravery, he receives gifts of cattle and sheep.

Girls must endure an even longer and more painful ritual, which is considered preparation for childbearing. (Girls who become pregnant before excision are banished from the village and stigmatized throughout their lives.) After passing this test of courage, women say they are afraid of nothing.

Guests celebrate the successful completion of these rites by drinking great quantities of mead (a fermented beverage containing honey) and dancing. Boys are then ready to become warriors, and girls are then ready to bear a new generation of warriors. In a few months, the young woman's future husband will come to pick her up and take her to live with his family.

After passing the tests of childhood and circumcision, boys must fulfill a civic requirement similar to military service. They live for up to several months in the bush, where they learn to overcome pride, egotism, and selfishness. They share their most prized possessions, their cattle, with other members of the community. However, they must also spend time in the village, where they sacrifice their cattle for ceremonies and offer gifts of cattle to new households. This stage of development matures a warrior and teaches himnkaniet(respect for others), and he learns how to contribute to the welfare of his community. The stage of "young warriorhood" ends with theeunotorite, when a man ends his periodic trips into the bush and returns to his village, putting his acquired wisdom to use for the good of the community.

8 • RELATIONSHIPS

Each child belongs to an "age set" from birth. To control the vices of pride, jealousy, and selfishness, children must obey the rules governing relationships within the age set, between age sets, and between the sexes. Warriors, for example, must share a girlfriend with at least one of their age-group companions. All Maasai of the same sex are considered equal within their age group.

Many tensions exist between children and adults, elders and warriors, and men and women. The Maasai control these with taboos (prohibitions). A daughter, for example, must not be present while her father is eating. Only non-excised girls may accompany warriors into their forest havens, where they eat meat. Although the younger warriors may wish to dominate their communities, they must follow rules and respect their elders' advice.

9 • LIVING CONDITIONS

By Western standards, Maasai living conditions seem primitive. However, the Maasai are generally proud of their simple lifestyle and do not seek to replace it with a more modern lifestyle. Nevertheless, the old ways are changing. Formerly, cowhides were used to make walls and roofs of temporary homes during migrations. They were also used to sleep on. Permanent and semi-permanent homes resembling igloos were built of sticks and branches plastered with mud, and with cow dung on the roofs. They were windowless and leaked a great deal. Nowadays, tin roofs and other more modern materials are gradually transforming these simple dwellings.

A few paved trunk roads and many passable dirt roads make Maasailand accessible. Much like their fellow Kenyan and Tanzanian citizens, the Maasai travel by bus and bush taxi when they need to cover distances.

10 • FAMILY LIFE

The Maasai are apatriarchalsociety; men typically speak for women and make decisions in the family. Male elders decide community matters. Until the age of seven, boys and girls are raised together. Mothers remain close to their children, especially their sons, throughout life. Once circumcised, sons usually move away from their father's village, but they still follow his advice. Girls learn to fear and respect their fathers and must never be near them when they eat.

A person's peers (age-mates) are considered extended family and are obligated to help each other. Age-mates share nearly everything, even their wives. Girls are often promised in marriage long before they are of age. However, even long-term engagements are subject to veto by male family members.

11 • CLOTHING

Maasai clothing varies by age, sex, and place. Traditionally, shepherds wore capes made from calf hides, and women wore capes of sheepskin. The Maasai decorated these capes with glass beads. In the 1960s, the Maasai began to replace animal-skin with commercial cotton cloth. Women tied lengths of this cloth around their shoulders as capes(shuka)or around the waist as a skirt. The Maasai color of preference is red, although black, blue, striped, and checkered cloth are also worn, as are multicolored African designs. Elderly women still prefer red and dye their own cloth with ochre (a natural pigment). Until recently, men and women wore sandals made from cowhides; nowadays sandals and shoes are generally made of tire strips or plastic.

Young women and girls, and especially young warriors, spend much time on their appearance. Styles vary by age group. The Maasai excel in designing jewelry. They decorate their bodies with tattooing, head shaving, and hair styling with ochre and sheep's fat, which they also smear on their bodies. A variety of colors are used to create body art. Women and girls wear elaborate bib-like bead necklaces, as well as headbands and earrings, which are colorful and intricate. When ivory was plentiful, warriors wore ivory bands on their upper arms much like the ancient Egyptians. Jewelry plays an important role in courtship.

12 • FOOD

The Maasai depend on cattle for both food and cooking utensils (as well as for shelter and clothing). Cattle ribs make stirring sticks, spatulas, and spoons. Horns are used as butter dishes and large horns as cups for drinking mead.

The traditional Maasai diet consists of six basic foods: meat, blood, milk, fat, honey, and tree bark. Wild game (except the eland), chicken, fish, and salt are forbidden. Allowable meats include roasted and boiled beef, goat, and mutton. Both fresh and curdled milk are drunk, and animal blood is drunk at special times—after giving birth, after circumcision and excision, or while recovering from an accident. It may be tapped warm from the throat of a cow, or drunk in coagulated form. It can also be mixed with fresh or soured milk, or drunk with therapeutic bark soups(motori).It is from blood that the Maasai obtain salt, a necessary ingredient in the human diet. People of delicate health and babies eat liquid sheep's fat to gain strength.

Honey is obtained from the Torrobo tribe and is a prime ingredient in mead, a fermented beverage that only elders may drink. In recent times, fermented maize (corn) withmilletyeast or a mixture of fermented sugar and baking powder have become the primary ingredients of mead.

The Maasai generally eat two meals a day, in the morning and at night. They have a dietary prohibition against mixing milk and meat. They drink milk for ten days—as much as they want—and then eat meat and bark soup for several days in between. Some exceptions to this regimen exist. Children and old people may eat cornmeal or rice porridge and drink tea with sugar. For warriors, however, the sole source of true nourishment is cattle. They consume meat in their forest hideaways(olpul),usually near a shady stream far from the observation of women. Their preferred meal is a mixture of meat, blood, and fat(munono),which is thought to give great strength.

Many taboos (prohibitions) govern Maasai eating habits. Men must not eat meat that has been in contact with women or that has been handled by an uncircumcised boy after it has been cooked.

13 • EDUCATION

There is a wide gap between Western schooling and Maasai traditional education, by which children and young adults learned to overcome fear, endure pain, and assume adult tasks. For example, despite the dangers of predators, snakes, and elephants, boys would traditionally herd cattle alone. If they encountered a buffalo or lion, they were supposed to call for help. However, they sometimes reached the pinnacle of honor by killing lions on their own. Following such a display of courage, they became models for other boys, and their heroics were likely to become immortalized in the songs of the women and girls.

Over the years, school participation gradually increased among the Maasai, but there were few practical rewards for formal education and therefore little reason to send a child to school. Formal schooling was primarily of use to those involved in religion, agriculture, or politics. Since independence, as the traditional livelihood of the Maasai has become less secure, school participation rates have climbed dramatically.

14 • CULTURAL HERITAGE

The Maasai have a rich collection of oral literature that includes myths, legends, folktales, riddles, and proverbs. These are passed down through the generations. The Maasai also compose many songs. Women are seldom at a loss for melodies and words when some heroic action by a warrior inspires praise. They also improvise teasing songs, work songs for milking and forplasteringroofs, and songs with which to ask their traditional god (Enkai) for rain and other needs.

15 • EMPLOYMENT

Labor among traditional herding Maasai is clearly divided. The man's responsibility is his cattle. He must protect them and find them the best possible pasture land and watering holes. Women raise children, maintain the home, cook, and do the milking. They also take care of calves and clean, sterilize, and decorate calabashes (gourds). It is the women's special right to offer milk to the men and to visitors.

Children help parents with their tasks. A boy begins herding at the age of four by looking after lambs and young calves, and by the time he is twelve, he may be able to care for cows and bulls as well as move sheep and cattle to new pastures. Girls help their mothers with domestic chores such as drawing water, gathering firewood, and patching roofs.

16 • SPORTS

While Maasai may take part in soccer, volleyball, and basketball in school or other settings, their own culture has little that resembles Western organized sports. Young children find time to join in games such as playing tag, but adults find little time for sports or play. Activities such as warding off enemies and killing lions are considered sport enough in their own right.

17 • RECREATION

Ceremonies such as theeunoto, when warriors return to their villages as mature men, offer occasions for parties and merriment. Ordinarily, however, recreation is much more subdued. After the men return to their camp from a day's herding, they typically tell stories of their exploits. Young girls sing and dance for the men. In the villages, elders enjoy inviting their age-mates to their houses or to rustic pubs(muratina manyatta)for a drink.

18 • CRAFTS AND HOBBIES

The Maasai make decorativebeadedjewelry including necklaces, earrings, headbands, and wrist and ankle bracelets. These are always fashionable, though styles change as age-groups invent new designs. It is possible to identify the year a given piece was made by its age-group design. Maasai also excel in wood carvings, and they increasingly produce art for tourists as a supplemental source of income.

19 • SOCIAL PROBLEMS

The greatest challenge the Maasai face concerns adaptation to rapid economic and social change. Increasing encroachment on Maasai lands threatens their traditional way of life. In the next decade, Maasai will need to address integration into the mainstream modern economies and political systems of Kenyan and Tanzanian society. The Maasai may fear losing their children to Western schooling, but a modern education has increasingly become a necessity for the Maasai in order to remain competitive with their neighbors and survive.

20 • BIBLIOGRAPHY

Africa South of the Sahara. 26th ed. London, England: Europa Publications, 1997.

Bentsen, Cheryl.Maasai Days. New York: Doubleday, 1989.

Halmi, Robert.Visit to a Chief's Son: An American Boy's Adventure with an African Tribe.New York: Holt, 1963.

Spear, Thomas, and Richard Waller.Being Maasai: Ethnicity and Identity in East Africa. London, England: James Currey, 1993.

Spencer, Paul.The Maasai of Matapato: A Study of Rituals of Rebellion. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Read more:http://www.everyculture.com/wc/Tajikistan-to-Zimbabwe/Maasai.html#ixzz46o3wOqWL

CANCER STAGING

Stage refers to the extent of your cancer, such as how large the tumor is, and if it has spread. Knowing the stage of your cancer helps your doctor:

Understand how serious your cancer is and your chances of survivalPlan the best treatment for youIdentify clinical trials that may be treatment options for you

A cancer is always referred to by the stage it was given at diagnosis, even if it gets worse or spreads. New information about how a cancer has changed over time gets added on to the original stage. So, the stage doesn't change, even though the cancer might.

How Stage Is Determined

To learn the stage of your disease, your doctor may order x-rays, lab tests, and other tests or procedures. See the section on Diagnosis to learn more about these tests.

Systems that Describe Stage

There are many staging systems. Some, such as the TNM staging system, are used for many types of cancer. Others are specific to a particular type of cancer. Most staging systems include information about:

Where the tumor is located in the bodyThe cell type (such as, adenocarcinoma or squamous cell carcinoma)The size of the tumorWhether the cancer has spread to nearby lymph nodesWhether the cancer has spread to a different part of the bodyTumor grade, which refers to how abnormal the cancer cells look and how likely the tumor is to grow and spread

The TNM Staging System

The TNM system is the most widely used cancer staging system. Most hospitals and medical centers use the TNM system as their main method for cancer reporting. You are likely to see your cancer described by this staging system in your pathology report, unless you have a cancer for which a different staging system is used. Examples of cancers with different staging systems include brain and spinal cord tumors and blood cancers. 

In the TNM system:

The T refers to the size and extent of the main tumor. The main tumor is usually called the primary tumor.The N refers to the the number of nearby lymph nodes that have cancer.The M refers to whether the cancer has metastasized. This means that the cancer has spread from the primary tumor to other parts of the body.

When your cancer is described by the TNM system, there will be numbers after each letter that give more details about the cancer—for example, T1N0MX or T3N1M0. The following explains what the letters and numbers mean:

Primary tumor (T)

TX: Main tumor cannot be measured.T0: Main tumor cannot be found.T1, T2, T3, T4: Refers to the size and/or extent of the main tumor. The higher the number after the T, the larger the tumor or the more it has grown into nearby tissues. T's may be further divided to provide more detail, such as T3a and T3b.

Regional lymph nodes (N)

NX: Cancer in nearby lymph nodes cannot be measured.N0: There is no cancer in nearby lymph nodes.N1, N2, N3: Refers to the number and location of lymph nodes that contain cancer. The higher the number after the N, the more lymph nodes that contain cancer.

Distant metastasis (M)

MX: Metastasis cannot be measured.M0: Cancer has not spread to other parts of the body.M1: Cancer has spread to other parts of the body.

Other Ways to Describe Stage

The TNM system helps describe cancer in great detail. But, for many cancers, the TNM combinations are grouped into five less-detailed stages. When talking about your cancer, your doctor or nurse may describe it as one of these stages:

Stage
What it means
Stage 0 Abnormal cells are present but have not spread to nearby tissue. Also called carcinoma in situ, or CIS. CIS is not cancer, but it may become cancer.
Stage I, Stage II, and Stage III Cancer is present. The higher the number, the larger the cancer tumor and the more it has spread into nearby tissues.
Stage IV The cancer has spread to distant parts of the body.

Another staging system that is used for all types of cancer groups the cancer into one of five main categories. This staging system is more often used by cancer registries than by doctors. But, you may still hear your doctor or nurse describe your cancer in one of the following ways:

In situ—Abnormal cells are present but have not spread to nearby tissue.
Localized—Cancer is limited to the place where it started, with no sign that it has spread.
Regional—Cancer has spread to nearby lymph nodes, tissues, or organs.
Distant—Cancer has spread to distant parts of the body.
Unknown—There is not enough information to figure out the stage.

Indigenous milk preservation technology among the Kalenjin of Kenya

Kenya is famous for its world conquering athletes who traverse the globe bringing in medals and cash prizes.

Making mursikThe Kalenjin community from the Rift Valley is famous for giving returning champions a drink of traditionally fermented milk known as Mursik from a colourful gourd or sotet. This article highlights the process of making the nutricious Mursik.

Origin of Mursik

Mursik technology originates from the Kalenjin community for whom milk is a staple diet. The community developed the unique milk preservation technology using indigenous tree species about 300 years ago. The technology evolved as a result of the need to avoid wastage by preserving and storing excess milk for use during the dry season.

Mursik preparation

Milk treatment is traditionally the preserve of women; however men do sometimes practice the art. Extreme care must be taken during the gourd preparation and milk fermentation processes and high hygiene standards must be observed to avoid potential food poisoning.

Depending on the availability of milk, a large quantity of Mursik can be prepared at once or alternatively small quantities of milk can be poured into a prepared gourd on a daily basis until it is full. The fermented milk provides the culture for the new milk and accelerates the process of fermentation. The flavour of Mursik is determined by various factors including the quality of milk used, technique of cleaning the gourd, time taken before the milk is served, and to some extent the tree species used to treat the gourd. Factors determining the quality of a cows’ milk include: stage of lactation; cow breed and; the cow’s diet.

Materials and Tools for Making Mursik

•Gourd (preferably dry), fresh one can also do so long as it is fully ripe.
•Sharp machete or large knife
•Palm tree branches
•Cow urine
•Clean water
•Dry ash
•A piece of cow hide
•Several dry sticks from a milk preserving tree species (preferably Cassia didymobotrya)
•A bow shaped palm stick (sosiot) without bristles
•Fire
•Milk in a clean container with a lid
•Water

Steps in Making Mursik

Preparing the gourd:
Cut the top of the gourd systemically using the machete or knife. Remove the seeds and pour a mixture of water and ash into the gourd. Cork the gourd and put it aside for a few days. Pour out the water in readiness for cleaning and treating the gourd.

Cleaning the gourd:
Take some branches of the palm tree and hit them on a firm surface such as a tree trunk until the edges form brush like bristles. Using the stiff bristles remove the inner lining of the new gourd in order to ensure that the milk does not acquire the bitter taste of the gourd. Pour some cow urine into the gourd and put it aside for a few days for curing and seasoning. Pour out the cow urine and use a bow shaped palm stick (sosiot) to clean the gourd again.

Treating the gourd:
Take a few sticks from the selected milk preserving tree species and burn the tips them into charcoal. Put the burning embers inside a clean and dry gourd, shaking it to avoid burning. Using the bow shaped palm stick grind the embers by pressing them against the walls of the gourd using the sosiot in a methodical, circular in and out movement of the hand. Repeat the grinding movement until the inside of the gourd is evenly covered with fine dust. Pour out any large particles and excess coal dust and allow the gourd to cool down.
Preparing and treating the gourd lid: Prepare a well designed, tightly fitting lid for the gourd using animal hide/skin. Test the lid to make sure it its tightly into the mouth of the gourd. Treat the inner side of the lid with charcoal dust using the method for cleaning and treating the gourd.
Milking, boiling and cooling the milk: Milk the cow and boil the fresh milk immediately. Cover the boiled milk to avoid contamination and allow it to cool down. Traditionally the cow was milked directly into a treated gourd and the milk would be mixed with some blood and stored in a cool place to ripen. However this practice has since ceased due to a change in lifestyles and widespread awareness of the need to improve hygiene standards.

Fermentation:
Pour the cold boiled milk into a treated gourd or sotet. Cork the gourd tightly with the treated lid. Store the Mursik in a cool dry place for about one week to allow it to ripen until it achieves the consistency of sour milk.

Shaking and serving the Mursik:
Shake the Mursik well to ensure it has a smooth, uniform consistency. After thorough shaking, good quality Mursik is a clear liquid with a sharp taste that is almost bitter in some cases, in which white globules of butter float. Systematic tapping on the skin lid produces a popping sound, allowing excess air to escape. Mursik is best taken during the dry season or on a sunny day and served cold with hot ugali, a Kenyan staple food made of maize/corn lour, millet, sorghum, or a mixture of different types of flour.
Steps in Making Mursik

Milk treatment and Environmental Conservation

The use of some tree species for milk preservation and flavouring is part of indigenous knowledge that also helps in conservation of biodiversity. Cassia didymobotrya is native to Eastern Central Africa and the most preferred tree species for milk treatment.

Cassia didymobotrya is locally known by different names, for example senetwet (Kipsigis); Inyumganai (Kamba); Mwino (Kikuyu); Lubino (Luhya); Obino (Luo); Osenetoi (Maasai) and ndimu or limau (Swahili). The shrub grows well near cattle bomas (sheds) especially near decomposed cow dung. It prefers well-drained soils, can withstand occasional drought and is propagated through seeds, which readily germinate. Its leaves are evergreen with elliptic to oval leaflets and yellow ornamental lowers, which appear for prolonged periods in warm climates (Mureithi, 1997). Animals rarely feed on cassia leaves; therefore it has a survival rate of almost 100 percent.

Other tree species used for milk preservation

Other tree species used for Mursik preparation are: Lantana kitu (Muokiot), Olea afrikana (Emitiot) Rhus natalensis (Natal Rhus), Olea capensis, Acacia meansii and Prunus africana’ among others.

Conclusion

Milk is a locally available and easily accessible commodity and value addition through the use of Mursik technology has proved highly successful. Adoption of Mursik technology by non-pastoralist communities has introduced the element of its commercialization as a viable source of income for livestock farmers.

As a valuable tree species Cassia didymobotrya deserves the attention of researchers to ensure its conservation and to explore its anti-bacterial effects, among other useful characteristics. There is need to preserve gourd planting, cutting and cleaning technology since gourds are cheap and easily accessible, making them ideal storage containers for farmers.

VAGINAL CANCER

Vaginal_cancer......Learn more

Vaginal cancer is cancer that occurs in the vagina — the muscular tube that connects the uterus with the outer genitals.

Symptoms

Early vaginal cancer may not cause any signs and symptoms. As it progresses, vaginal cancer may cause signs and symptoms such as:

Unusual vaginal bleeding, for example, after intercourse or after menopause
Watery vaginal discharge
A lump or mass in your vagina
Painful urination
Constipation
Pelvic pain

Causes

It's not clear what causes vaginal cancer. In general, cancer begins when healthy cells acquire a genetic mutation that turns normal cells into abnormal cells.

Healthy cells grow and multiply at a set rate, eventually dying at a set time. Cancer cells grow and multiply out of control, and they don't die. The accumulating abnormal cells form a mass (tumor).

Cancer cells invade nearby tissues and can break off from an initial tumor to spread elsewhere in the body (metastasize).
Types of vaginal cancer

Vaginal cancer is divided into different types based on the type of cell where the cancer began. Vaginal cancer types include:

Vaginal squamous cell carcinoma, which begins in the thin, flat cells (squamous cells) that line the surface of the vagina, is the most common type
Vaginal adenocarcinoma, which begins in the glandular cells on the surface of your vagina
Vaginal melanoma, which develops in the pigment-producing cells (melanocytes) of your vagina
Vaginal sarcoma, which develops in the connective tissue cells or muscles cells in the walls of your vagina

Risk_factors

Factors that may increase your risk of vaginal cancer include:

Increasing age.

Atypical cells in the vagina called vaginal intraepithelial neoplasia,VAIN.

Exposure to miscarriage prevention drug. Women whose mothers took a drug called diethylstilbestrol (DES) while pregnant in the 1950s have an increased risk of a certain type of vaginal cancer called clear cell adenocarcinoma.

Other risk factors include:

Multiple sexual partners
Early age at first intercourse
Smoking
HIV infection

Prevention

There is no sure way to prevent vaginal cancer. However you may reduce your risk if you:

Undergo regular pelvic exams and Pap tests.
HPV vaccine.
Don't smoke. If you smoke, quit. If you don't smoke, don't start.

LIFE IN A TRADITIONAL LUHYA VILLAGE

A long time ago, the Luhya used to live in small communities. For administrative purposes, the smallest unit was the village (litala) and several villages formed olukongo which had about 500 people in it with some more populated than others.

A village (litala) was often surrounded by a fence of euphorbia trees. In some parts of Luhyaland where enemy raids were common, the villages were surrounded by a wall of clay and a ditch (olukoba) running all round.

This made it difficult for the enemies to attack a village, and easy for the inmates to defend themselves. Naturally, walled villages were very large because building the wall and digging the ditch was difficult work and needed many men to work together on it. All the men who cooperated in the work got a space inside the wall to build a hut or huts for their families. Those who did not help were not allowed in.

Village leadership:

The leader of each olukongo, the Omwami, was usually a man of influence. He was expected to make sure that there was sufficient rain to nourish the crops grown on that olukongo each year. Very often such a leader was either a rainmaker (omukimba) or someone who had influence over another rainmaker.

Great Community Spirit:

Community spirit was great in each olukongo. All the families knew one another, so that a stranger was always noticeable. The people helped each other in most things for example if someone had a hut or a granary to build, all the other men came to help; if he could, he made some food and possibly some beer for them. If someone’s son or daughter was going to be married, all members of olukongo brought fitting presents – usually food – to his or her parents to be used in the celebration. Each death was mourned by all villagers.

People helped each other in sickness and suffering and celebrated happy occasions like marriage together. This communal feeling is still prevalent to some extent although urbanisation is slowly clipping away what was orthodoxy traditional.

Activities of each season were started officially, and with a little ceremony, by the chief landowner of the olukongo. This was a man recognized by everyone as the heir to the original owners of that part of the land. He started the cultivation, the sowing, the weeding and the harvesting.

Land ownership: In the olden days land in Luhyaland belonged to the clan. Each family belonging to the clan had its own plots as its share of this land. A person could give a plot of land to a member of another clan to cultivate for a time, but the plot could not be bought and it always remained the property of the family in particular and the clan in general. In a similar way, the tribe to which the clan belonged defended the clan’s right over its land.

At times when it was necessary to cultivate in one small place, to keep wild animals out, every member of a village or olukongo temporarily got a little share of the area and they all cultivated their little temporary plots without consideration of to which clan the land belonged. When the season was over, the land reverted to the rightful owners.

When a man died, his land was handed down either to his eldest son or divided between all the sons, according to custom. Usually, however, a man, while he was still alive, gave plots to each of his married sons. The remaining plots would then go to the unmarried sons.

HISTORY OF LUO

PRONUNCIATION: luh-WO LOCATION: Kenya; Tanzania
POPULATION: Over 3 million LANGUAGE: Dholuo; English (official); KiSwahili
RELIGION: Christianity combined with indigenous practices (Anglican church [CPK], Roman Catholicism, and independent Christian churches)

1. INTRODUCTION 

Throughout the nineteenth century AD , the Luo migrated into the area they now occupy in Kenya. They left lower savanna grasslands for higher and cooler regions with reliable rainfall. As a result of this migration, their traditional emphasis on cattle was supplemented by farming and an increasing importance of crops in their economy. Bantu agriculturalists, with whom the Luo increasingly interacted, exchanged many customs with them.

2 • LOCATION
According to the last national population census conducted in 1989, the Luo number over 3 million people, or about 13 percent of Kenya's total population. Along with the Luhya, the Luo are the second largest ethnic group in the country, behind the Gikuyu. Most Luo live in western Kenya in Western province or in the adjacent Nyanza province, two of the eight provinces in Kenya. Some Luo live to the south of Kenya in Tanzania. Many Luo also live in Nairobi. Most Luo maintain strong economic, cultural, and social links to western Kenya, which they consider home. Over the past 500 years, the Luo have migrated slowly from the Sudan to their present location around the eastern shore of Lake Victoria. This area changes from low, dry landscape around the lake to more lush, hilly areas to the east. The provincial capital of Kisumu is the third-largest city in Kenya and is a major cultural center for the Luo.

3 • LANGUAGE
The Luo, like other Kenyans, are typically conversant in at least three languages. The two national languages of Kenya are English and KiSwahili. English, derived from the British colonial era before Kenya's independence in 1963, is the official language of government, international business, university instruction, banks, and commerce. It is taught throughout Kenya in primary and secondary schools. KiSwahili is the primary language of many coastal populations in Kenya and has spread from there throughout East Africa, including Luoland. Today, the KiSwahili language serves as a language of trade and commerce in urban markets and rural towns. Nowadays, KiSwahili is also taught in Kenyan primary and secondary schools. In addition, radio, television, and newspaper materials are available in these two languages. Nevertheless, the indigenous language of the Luo, referred to as Dholuo, is for most people the language of preference in the home and in daily conversation. Dholuo is taught in primary schools throughout Luoland. Most Luo young people are fluent in English, KiSwahili, and Dholuo. This is particularly impressive because these languages are from three very distinct language families with drastically different grammatical principles and vocabulary. Children enjoy playing language games in Dholuo. Among these is a tongue-twister game. For example, children try to say without difficulty, Atud tond atonga, tond atonga chodi, which means, "I tie the rope of the basket, the rope of the basket breaks." Acham tap chotna malando chotna cham tapa malando means, "I eat from the red dish of my lover and my lover eats from my red dish." Most Luo, irrespective of educational attainment and occupation, prefer to speak Dholuo at home and continue to teach this language to their children. Even young Luo teenagers, who nowadays live in Nairobi and rarely visit Luoland, nevertheless have learned to speak Dholuo fluently. Children are given names that correspond to where they were born, the time of day, or the day of the week. Even the kind of weather that prevailed at the time of a child's birth is noted. For example, one born during a rain storm is called Akoth (male) or Okoth (female). Just about every Luo also has a pet name used among close friends.

4 • FOLKLORE
Stories, legends, riddles, and proverbs are an important part of Luo culture. They are traditionally recited in the siwindhe, which is the home of a (widowed) grandmother. Luo boys and girls gather there in the evenings to be taught the traditions of their culture. In the evenings, after people have returned from their gardens, they gather to tell and listen to stories. In the siwindhe, however, grandmothers preside over storytelling and verbal games. Riddles take the form of competitive exchanges where winners are rewarded by "marrying" girls in a kind of mock (pretend) marriage situation. Friendly arguments often erupt over interpretations of riddles. One riddle, for example, asks the question, "My house has no door," which is answered by "an egg." Another riddle is, "What is a lake with reeds all around?" The answer is, "an eye." Clever answers are frequently given as alternatives to these standard answers. Proverbs are another part of the siwindhe discussions and are common in everyday use as well. Some examples are, "The eye you have treated will look at you contemptuously," "A hare is small but gives birth to twins," and "A cowardly hyena lives for many years." Morality tales teach all listeners the proper way to cope with life's circumstances. Such questions as, Why do people die?, What is the value of a deformed child?, What qualities make an appropriate spouse?, What is friendship?, Who is responsible for a bad child?, Why do some people suffer?, and many others are the subject of folklore. For example, the story known as "Opondo's Children" is about a man called Opondo whose wife continuously gave birth to monitor lizards instead of human babies. These lizard babies were thrown away to die because they were hideous. Once, however, the parents decided to keep such a child and he grew to adolescence. As a teenager, this child loved to bathe alone in a river. Before swimming he would take off his monitor skin, and while swimming he mysteriously became a normal human being. His skin was, in fact, only a superficial covering. One day a passerby saw him swimming and told his parents that he was a normal human being. Secretly, his parents went to watch him swim and discovered that he was in fact normal. They destroyed his skin and thereafter, the boy became accepted and loved by all in his community. For this reason, Opondo and his wife deeply regretted that they had thrown away all of their many monitor children. This tale teaches that compassion should be displayed toward children with physical defects. In an origin tale concerning death, it is told that humans and chameleons are responsible for this calamity. Were (God) wanted to put an end to death, which strikes "young and old, boys and girls, men and women, strangers and kinsmen, and the wise and the foolish." He requested that an offering be made to him of white fat from a goat. A chameleon was assigned to carry the offering up to the sky where Were lives. Along the way, the fat became dirty and was angrily rejected by Were. He declared that death would continue because of this insult. The chameleon became cursed by the Luo, and ever since it must always walk on all fours and take slow steps.

5 • RELIGION
Christianity has had a major impact on Luo religious beliefs and practices. Today, religious communities draw on beliefs both from indigenous practices and from Christianity. The Anglican Church, known as the CPK, and the Roman Catholic Church are very significant among the Luo. Many people, however, do not draw sharp distinctions between religious practices with European origins and those with African origins. Mainstream churches draw on a rich Luo musical and dance tradition. For many Christians, the ancestors continue to play a significant role in their lives. In traditional belief, the ancestors reside in the sky or underground, from where they may be reincarnated in human or animal form. Ceremonies are sometimes performed when naming a baby to determine if a particular spirit has been reincarnated. The spirits of ancestors are believed to communicate with the living in their dreams. In the Luo religion, troublesome spirits may cause misfortunes if they are not remembered or respected. Luo refer to spirits by the term juok, or "shadow." The Luo refer to God by many names that indicate his power. For example, Were means "one certain to grant requests"; Nyasaye, "he who is begged"; Ruoth, "the king"; Jachwech, "the molder"; Wuon koth, "the rain-giver"; and Nyakalaga, "the one who flows everywhere." Prayers and requests are addressed to God by those in need of his assistance. Christianity has fused most notably with traditional religious beliefs and customs in "independent Christian churches," which have attracted large followings. For example, the Nomiya Luo Church, which started in 1912, was the first independent church in Kenya. The founder of this church, Johanwa Owalo, is believed to be a prophet similar to Jesus Christ and Muhammad. Owalo later teamed up with a Catholic priest and began teaching a new theology that rejected both the Pope and the doctrine of the trinity.

6 • MAJOR HOLIDAYS
The Luo recognize the national holidays of Kenza and Tanzania, depending on the country where they reside. In addition, Luo celebrate the Christian religious holidays.

7 • RITES OF PASSAGE
People are discouraged from noting when someone is pregnant for fear that problems might result from jealous ancestors or neighbors. Older women and midwives assist the woman throughout her pregnancy and in childbirth. The birth of twins, which is believed to be the result of evil spirits, is treated with special attention and requires taboos (prohibitions) on the part of the parents. Only if neighbors engage in obscene dancing and use foul language will the burden of giving birth to twins be lifted. The Luo, however, did not adopt circumcision for men, as practiced in some neighboring Bantu groups. Adolescence is a time of preparation for marriage and family life. Traditionally, girls obtained tattoos on their backs and had their ears pierced. Girls spent time in peer groups where conversation centered on boys and their personal attributes. Sex education was in the hands of older women who gave advice in a communal sleeping hut used by teenage girls. Lovers sometimes made secret arrangements to meet near these huts, although premarital pregnancy was strictly forbidden. Nowadays, neighborhood and boarding schools have replaced communal sleeping huts and elders, although sex education is not taught in these schools. Since there are no initiation ceremonies in earlier stages of the life cycle, the funeral serves as the most important symbol for family and community identity. Burials must take place in Luoland, regardless of where a person may have lived during his or her adult years.

8 • RELATIONSHIPS
Social relations among the Luo are governed by rules of kinship, gender, and age. Descent is patrilineal (traced through the male line) to determine kinship. Kin align themselves for purposes of exchange of goods, marriage, and political alliance. Names are received through the male line, and after marriage women reside in the homesteads of their husbands. A married woman builds up alliances for her husband's family by maintaining strong relationships with her brothers and sisters who live at her birthplace or elsewhere. It is expected that after marriage a woman will bear children for her husband's lineage. Bride wealth, given by her husband and his family, contributes to the woman's ability to maintain ties with her own family throughout her life. By having children, a woman greatly enhances her power and influence within the lineage of her husband. As the children grow, they take special care of her interests. Perhaps as many as 30 percent of Luo homesteads are polygynous (in which a man has more than one wife). This contributes to solidarity between a mother and her children, and between children born of the same mother. Polygyny is commonly accepted by both men and women, provided traditional ideas and regulations are maintained. These include, for example, a special recognition for the first wife or "great wife," whose house and granary are located prominently at the back of the homestead opposite the main gate. Subsequent wives have homes alternatively to her right and left in the order of their marriage. Sons are provided with homes adjacent to the main gate of the compound in the order of their birth. The husband maintains a homestead for himself near the center of the compound. His own brothers, if they have not yet formed their own homesteads, reside on the edge of the compound near its center. As Luo become wealthy in Luoland or elsewhere, it is common for them to build a large house for their mother. This is especially necessary if she is a "great wife," as it is considered improper for younger wives to have larger homes than wives more senior to themselves. Visiting and being visited is the major source of pleasure for the Luo. The social principles regarding age, kinship, and gender impose a heavy schedule of ritual obligations on Luo, regardless of their place of residence. Attendance at funerals is a significant obligation for all Luo. At funerals, Luo consume large amounts of meat, beer, and soft drinks and socialize with friends and relatives. Funerals last for four days for a male and three days for a female. After the burial and expression of grief through speeches and viewing of the body, there is a period of feasting and celebration. After the funeral of a man, a rooster (which symbolizes masculinity to the Luo) is taken from his house and eaten by his relatives. This signifies the end of his homestead. (When a new homestead is founded, a man is given a rooster from his father's home.) Visitors for funerals gather from far and wide and are housed around the compound of the dead person, which is where he or she will be buried. This location and the duration of the ritual is an excellent opportunity for young people to meet and observe members of the opposite sex, or for elders to discuss marriage alliances that they might wish to promote. Dating may well follow initial meetings or deliberations at the funeral.

9 • LIVING CONDITIONS
There are several types of rural houses. A common house is made of mud and wattle (woven twigs) walls with a thatched roof. Another style includes mud and wattle walls, with a roof made of corrugated metal. A more elaborate, permanent house has brick walls and a roof covered with iron sheets or tiles. Bricks, iron sheets, and tiles are all items of prestige, and their ownership symbolizes success in farming, animal husbandry, or some modern occupation such as teaching, the ministry, or shopkeeping. Homes vary in shape as well as size. Some homes of the old variety made of wattle and mud are circular. Those with more permanent materials tend to be rectangular. A prosperous man who is the head of a large extended family may have several wives whose homes are situated by their rank within a large circular homestead. Luo living in Kisumu, the regional capital, or in Nairobi have homes that vary according to their social status. Some Luo are numbered among the elite Kenyans whose homes are elaborate, with facilities for automobiles, sleeping accommodations for visiting relatives, and servants' quarters. Other less fortunate Luo live in Nairobi's crowded slums where homes are quite temporary, made of wattle and mud and short-lived materials such as tin, paper, and plastic. Malaria is a major killer in Luoland. Children's diseases, such as kwashiorkor (a form of protein malnutrition), are a threat in those families without access to a balanced diet or knowledge about nutrition and health standards. In villages, there is an emphasis on preventive medicine; most rural communities have clinics with medical workers who emphasize sanitation, prenatal care, nutrition, and other practices known to reduce the risk of disease.

10 • FAMILY LIFE
Marriage was traditionally considered to be the most significant event in the lives of both men and women. It was thought inappropriate for anyone to remain unmarried. Large families ensured adequate numbers of workers. The system of polygyny (multiple wives) guaranteed that all people married. The significance of bride wealth is increasing, even among educated Luo. Members of the groom's family initiate a process of negotiation with the bride's family that may unfold over many years. Negotiations can be intense, and for this reason a "go-between," who is neutral to the interests of each family, is used. Luo believe that divorce cannot occur after bride wealth has been exchanged and children are born. Even if separation happens, the couple is still ideally considered to be married. Failure to have children, however, is thought to be the fault of the bride and, for this, she will be divorced or replaced by another wife. Cattle are the primary item given in bride wealth. In determining the value of a prospective bride, her family takes into account her health, appearance, and, nowadays, her level of formal education. Failure of men to raise a high bride wealth prompts many of them to propose elopement, a practice that is on the rise today. Young people in Kenya still tend to marry within their own ethnic groups. Tribal elders frequently caution against "intertribal marriages." The more distant the ethnic group in space and customs from the Luo, the greater the cautionary warnings. For this reason, Luo intertribal marriage is most likely to occur with members from neighboring Baluya societies, which are Bantu. However, most Luo marry within their own ethnic group.

11 • CLOTHING
Traditionally, the Luo wore minimal clothing. Animal hides were used to cover private parts, but there was no stigma (shame) associated with nudity. Nowadays, clothing styles are largely Western in origin. They vary according to a person's social class and lifestyle preferences. It is not uncommon to see people in remote rural areas fashionably dressed according to some of the latest tastes. Luo living in Nairobi tend to wear clothing that is cosmopolitan by rural standards and similar to the clothing worn in New York or Paris. In rural areas, most people dress according to their work routines. For example, women wear loose-fitting dresses made of solid or printed cotton fabric while farming or attending market. Wearing sandals or going barefoot are typical while working. Men wear jeans as work pants while farming. During the rainy season, the roads can become very muddy; consequently, boots and umbrellas are especially prized by both men and women. These days, there is a strong market in second-hand clothing, making slacks, dresses, coats, undergarments, sweaters, shoes, handbags, belts, and other items available to even poorer families. Luo enjoy dressing up for funerals and weddings and are considered throughout Kenya to be very fashionable.

12 • FOOD
The primary crops are maize (corn), millet, and sorghum. Coffee, tobacco, cotton, and sugarcane are important cash crops. Important animals include sheep, goats, chickens, and cattle, which are used for bride wealth. Fish from Lake Victoria and its streams are important, especially talapia. Many foods are purchased, including sugar, bread, and butter, which are consumed with tea on a daily basis, a custom known as "tea time" and derived from the British colonial era, which ended in 1963. The staple food eaten several times a day is ugali. This is made from maize meal stirred in boiling water until it becomes a thick and smooth porridge. Ugali is always eaten with an accompaniment such as meat or stew. Greens (sukumawiki) are also frequently eaten with ugali. Maize, popular throughout Kenya, is frequently sold for money. This has led many families to sell their maize when financially pressed for money. For this reason, there is a periodic famine throughout Luoland that occurs every year during the long, dry season prior to harvest.

13 • EDUCATION
Kenya introduced a new system of education in the 1980s known as the "8-4-4 system," modeled after the American system. Luo now go to primary school for eight years, to secondary school for four years, and to college for four years. The previous system was modeled on the British educational system. After completing high school, Luo attend technical, secretarial, nursing, computer, teacher training, and business schools as alternatives to the university. There is a new university at Maseno near Kisumu, which provides easy access for those Luo who want to attend a university. Education is highly valued among the Luo, and they are well represented in the professions. Nevertheless, there still remains a high level of illiteracy (inability to read and write), especially among females. In polygynous marriages there is a strong tendency for younger wives to be more educated than their older counterparts. More Luo are now recognizing the importance of sending girls to school. The Luo success in academic pursuits may well be related to the value given to "wisdom" in their culture. Modern philosophers have applied the term "sage philosophy" to describe individuals among the Luo who, in the past and present, excel in teachings and reflections on the human condition. The Luo society is an open one. All individuals are encouraged to express themselves publicly. Truth (adier) is expressed through songs and folklore by respected elder men and women who are acknowledged as wise. Most respected, however, is the japaro, a term that translates into English as "thinker," who is consulted on all matters of interest to community welfare. The most famous sage until his death in the mid-1990s was Oginga Odinga, a widely respected elder and former vice-president of Kenya. He spoke out publicly during colonialism and in post-colonial politics against what he considered to be injustices. In his writings, he emphasized communal welfare and concern for preservation of traditional values.

14 • CULTURAL HERITAGE
The Luo consider their entire traditional way of life to be an important community resource. There is a great deal of disagreement over what should be preserved and what should change. Customs centering on marriage and gender relations are hotly debated. Songs are popular today as in the past. Musicians praise and lament political, generational, economic, and cultural contradictions in contemporary life. Luo devote much time to listening to music, and regularly purchase records, tapes, and CDs. Christian church music is also a form of entertainment. It is said that the short story was a well-developed art among the Luo in traditional times. Such stories were often accompanied by music. The most important short-story writer in Kenya today is a Luo woman, Grace Ogot. In her stories she includes traditional themes as well as modern dilemmas, such as an educated woman living in a polygynous arrangement. Some of her best-known stories are "The Other Woman," "The Fisherman," and "The Honorable Minister."

15 • EMPLOYMENT
The most notable fact about the Luo economy is that women play the primary role in farming. Before the introduction of the modern money economy, the garden was the centerpiece of the women's world of work. Industrious women could earn considerable wealth by exchanging their garden produce for animals, handicrafts, pots, and baskets. A young girl is expected to help her mother and her mother's co-wives in farming land owned by her father, brothers, and paternal uncles. Even though a girl may go to school and rise to a prominent position in society, there is often still a strong association with the land and digging. Men are preoccupied with livestock and spend a great deal of time in "social labor" concerned with placing their cattle in good contexts, such as bride wealth exchanges, trading partnerships, and commercial sales. In the modern economy, cattle and goats have a monetary value as well. Men have control over animals and cash crops.

16 • SPORTS
The Luo participate in all of the major national sports currently played in Kenya. Soccer is a particularly popular sport. Secondary schools provide an assortment of sports for young people, giving them an opportunity to engage in competitive games such as track and field and soccer. Children enjoy games in the village, such as racing, wrestling, and soccer. Some boys enjoy swimming.

17 • RECREATION
Childhood play activities for girls include grinding soil on a flattened stone in imitation of adults who grind grains. Girls play with dolls made from clay or maize (corn) cobs. Boys and girls play hide-and-seek and house. Girls play a game called kora using pieces of broken pottery or stones. In this game, stones are collected and then thrown into the air. The main purpose is to catch more than one stone on the back of the hand. Boys and girls between six and ten years of age play separately. Girls spend more time at home caring for younger siblings and helping with household duties and gardening. Boys have more freedom and combine play activities with herding and care of animals. Children and adults both play a game called bao, a board game played widely throughout Africa. This game of strategy involves trying to place seeds on the opponent's side of the board and capture their seeds. Radio and television are both available to most Luo. Radio programs are in KiSwahili, English, and Dholuo. Virtually all homes have radios, which are a significant source of both entertainment and education. Books and printed media have now largely replaced public speaking as a form of entertainment. Nevertheless, visiting family and friends continues to be a valued aspect of Luo culture. Visits are typically very lively with lots of animated discussion. The verbally skillful person is still widely admired. Birthday parties are now much more important than they were in the past, when individuals did not reckon their age in years. Parents try to make their children's birthdays special with a cake, cards, and gifts. Weddings and funerals, as in the past, are still major forms of entertainment for old and young alike. Church groups, clubs, women's organizations, and schools are important organizations for their members' social calendars.

18 • CRAFTS AND HOBBIES
See the article on "Kenyans" in this chapter for information about crafts and hobbies.

19 • SOCIAL PROBLEMS
During the colonial era and since independence, the Luo have been isolated from national leadership even though they are the second-largest ethnic group in the country. Specific social problems follow from this isolation. Economic development in western Kenya is poor, Luo roads are badly in need of repair, rates of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection are comparatively high, food shortages are frequent, and infant mortality is among the highest in the country. The municipal water supply is so badly treated that residents suffer from water-borne diseases such as typhoid fever, amoebic dysentery, common dysentery, and diarrhea. Tourism has bypassed Luoland and Lake Victoria, even though Lake Victoria has hippopotami, freshwater fish, and cultural attractions. Teenage pregnancies are a major social problem in contemporary Luoland. Social responsibility for teenage pregnancy falls entirely on girls, who generally leave school if they become pregnant.

WAYS OF GETTING TO DESTINATION

A great piece ........
Two important management lessons I learnt from
a 1000 Shilling note.
1. It happened some time ago but, I was in an
audience listening to a motivational speaker.
The speaker got out his wallet & pulled out a
1000 Shilling note.
Holding it up, he asked, "Who wants this 1000
Shilling note?"
Lots of hands went up. Including mine. A slow
chorus began to build as people began to shout
"Me!" "Me!" I began to wonder who the lucky one
would be who the speaker would choose. And I
also secretly wondered (and I am sure others did
too ) why he would simply give away 1000
Shilling. Even as the shouts of "I want
it" grew louder, I noticed a young woman running
down the aisle. She ran up onto the stage, went
up to the speaker, and grabbed the five 1000
Shilling note from his hand. "Well done, young
lady," said the speaker into the microphone. The
speaker simply say "Most of us just sit and wait
for good things to happen.
That's of no use. You've got to make things
happen. Make a move"
'Simply thinking about doing something is of no
use and not gud
enough'. Our lives are like that. We all see
opportunities around us. We all want the good
things. But the problem is we don't take action.
We all want the 1000 Shilling notes on offer. But
we don't make the move.We look at it longingly.
Get up, and do something about it. Don't worry
about what other people might think.
Take action.
2. later, the speaker got another 1000 Shilling
note and held it up for all to see, I thought I
knew what's up. But he just asked a simple
question. "How much is this worth?" "One
Thousand Shillings!" the crowd yelled in unison.
"Right," said the speaker. He then took the note
and crumpled it into a ball and asked
"How much is it worth now?"
"One Thousand Shillings!" screamed the
audience. He then threw the note on the ground,
stamped all over it and picked up the note and
asked one more time: "And how much is it worth
now?" "One Thousand shillings!" was the
response. "I want you to remember this," said
the speaker.
"Just because someone crumples it, or stamps
on it, the value of the note does not diminish. We
should all be like the 1000 shillings note..
In our lives, there will be times when we feel
crushed, stamped over,beaten. But never let your
self-worth diminish. Just because someone
chooses to crush you -- that doesn't change your
worth one bit!
Don't allow your self-worth to diminish because
someone says
something nasty -- or does something dirty -- to
you."
Never let your self-worth diminish.
Mathematical differences
2+5=7
6+1=7
3+4=7
7-0=7
7+0=7
9-2=7
8-1=7
What is my point???
My point is that there are so many ways of
getting to a final destination.
God may not take you the same way He took
your mom, dad, friend or colleague, What matters
is that He will take you to your destination.
At times you get there by adding things and
people in your life and
other times you will get there by subtracting
certain things and people.

YOUR PHYSICAL BEAUTY IS LIMITED

No wonder you have invested so much into your physical beauty. You buy shoes, different expensive dresses even with your last money on you. You buy expensive wigs and make up. Your physical beauty is all you've got and nothing more. You are able to charm guys and most of them go crazy over you. After exchanging sex for material things such as phones, tabs, bags and jewellery, you come and show them off.

All you know is to dress and pose for selfie and put them up on various social media platforms so people can LIKE and COMMENT. Guys have fun with you by taking you out, pool parties, night clubs, the beach..... and you feel on top of the world. At your age you can't even count the number of guys you have dated and the number of people you have had sex with.

You give them SEX and they give you money and other material things. You have physical beauty but no BRAINS to realize that your act is no different from PROSTITUTION.

You will continue to attract irresponsible men when it comes to settling down. You have all these long painted nails like you are about to act a horror film. You don't even know how to cook well, no sense of saving only spending, you failed miserably in your exams 3 or more years ago and you haven't made any attempt to get back on track. Which sensible man will want to settle down with you???

You think you can use your physical beauty and SEX to get everything in life?

My dear THINK again because there are men and there are wise MEN. Wise men prefer to settle down with a lady with a purpose or substance. A lady who is the position to use her knowledge and skills as a true partner in contributing to the resources of the family.

There is nothing wrong with being physically beautiful and having fun but then your physical beauty ALONE will not get you far...add more value to your LIFE.